The Poet of Revolution, Josh Malihabadi, had said about the conditions of Iran what is happening there today:
This is that very Iran which is blood-soaked,
Where once there existed a world-creating realm.
In the thousands-of-years-old clash between East and West, Iran was the symbol of the East, and Greece and its allies were the symbol of the West. Alexander the Great attacked Iran in 326 BC because he wanted to take revenge on Iran for Greece’s past defeats. The part of Pakistan and Afghanistan that Alexander conquered consisted of small principalities, but Alexander considered the River Amu, the River Jhelum, and the River Indus to be the backyard of Iran and the last corner of the world. In the wars between Greece and Iran, where Iranian warriors were at the forefront, the young men of the Indus Valley and the Amu Valley were also present. Thus, willingly or unwillingly, the people of this region were also part of the clash between East and West.
Regarding the martyrdom of the Iranian Supreme Leader Khamenei, circumstances had already been indicating this. Negotiations were continuously failing. On the issue of the nuclear deal, Iran’s Supreme Commander was not ready to bow, and President Trump likely considered anything less than his terms insignificant. In the recent round of negotiations, Pakistan was initially included. At first, there were even indications that negotiations between Iran and America would be held in Pakistan. In this regard, President Trump’s Middle East advisor and envoy, Witkoff, had also expressed consent. However, at the last moment, Iran preferred Oman for these negotiations. As soon as Witkoff informed President Trump that the negotiations had failed, planning began at that very moment to eliminate Iran’s leadership. It should be remembered that in the previous phase of war, Pakistan had played an important role in mediating a ceasefire between America and Iran, for which the Iranian parliament and later the Iranian leadership had formally thanked the Pakistani leadership. However, this time Pakistan openly supported Iran’s stance again but could not play any role in the negotiations because the Iranian leadership conducted talks through Oman.
Ayatollah Khamenei had been Iran’s ideological leader and strategic commander for the past 40 years. For the first time in history, he adopted the strategy of “defense from the front.” This strategy kept America and Israel entangled with Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, the Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun brigades in Syria, volunteers in Iraq, and the Houthis in Yemen. As a result, for 40 years, wars were fought away from Iran on the borders of other countries, and Iran itself remained secure within a defensive perimeter. Iran made every possible effort to save Bashar al-Assad’s government in Syria, even making Russia its ally and obtaining its full support. But after the fall of Assad’s government, it became clear that the circle around Iran was tightening.
The distinguished Iranian-origin scholar Vali Nasr, who has access to policymaking circles in America, writes in his book Iran’s Grand Strategy that on the issue of defending the Assad government in Syria, Tehran’s former mayor Gholam Hossein openly disagreed. However, the Supreme Leader considered the defense of Syria as the defense of Iran and viewed Syrian routes to Gaza and Lebanon as indispensable for the success of his strategy. That is why Iranian General Qassem Soleimani initially played the most crucial role in restoring the Syrian government’s authority. According to Vali Nasr, most of the fighters in the Fatemiyoun brigades fighting in Syria were Hazara youth from Afghanistan and Pakistan, while the Zainabiyoun consisted of Pakistani Shia volunteers. These brigades protected Shia holy shrines in Syria and also fought ISIS on behalf of the Assad government.
Earlier, in his famous book The Shia Revival, Vali Nasr presented a detailed review of the Iranian and Iraqi Shia schools of thought. According to him, the Iraqi Shia school is closer to the Sunni Sufi school of thought, whereas the Iranian school is closer to the interpretations of Shia scholars of Qom. The book included detailed research on the belt stretching from Iran through Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon to the Shia cities of Saudi Arabia. It appears that Israel’s wars with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon were, behind the scenes, part of a grand plan to undermine Iran’s strategy. America and Israel had concluded that Hamas’s ideological training and weapons supply in Gaza came from Iran via Syria. Hezbollah in Lebanon had a clear and strong spiritual and religious connection with Iran’s Supreme Commander. The war in Gaza and then the destruction of Hezbollah through pager explosions in Lebanon were attempts to isolate Iran and deprive it of its allies. Vali Nasr writes in Iran’s Grand Strategy that Ayatollah Ali Khamenei firmly believed that America’s pressure on Iran regarding the nuclear deal was not about the atomic agreement but about regime change. When Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi made a deal with the West regarding Libya’s nuclear program, Ali Khamenei called it Gaddafi’s foolishness. Later, it was proven that despite the nuclear deal, President Gaddafi’s government was removed and he was killed. Vali Nasr writes that Ayatollah Khamenei once gave the example of the Battle of Uhud, saying that our Holy Prophet (PBUH) was left alone in that battle but stood firm and fought courageously; at that time, his blessed tooth was also martyred. The purpose of giving the example of Uhud was to convey the message that no matter how much pressure came, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei would not bow under any circumstances and would fight even alone. By attaining martyrdom, he proved his words true.
Allama Iqbal’s mentor, Maulana Rumi, said about Iran:
Iran was once like a garden full of tulips and lilies;
Now it has become a desert, with neither flower nor garden.
If one reviews the situation after Israeli and American attacks on Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Gaza, disorder is prevalent everywhere. Instead of strong governments, division and civil war continue in these countries. There is no organized opposition in Iran. Reza Pahlavi’s son does not appear capable of governing Iran. If chaos and civil war occur in Pakistan’s neighboring country, its effects will also impact Pakistan. In the Muslim world, there is no credible and dignified leader who, understanding international circumstances, can stop the spreading anarchy from country to country. The Pakistani leadership has established its name and position internationally, but divisions within the Muslim world do not allow it to play such a role. Unfortunately, our neighboring Muslim country Afghanistan has itself been targeting us, although Pakistan has always helped Afghanistan, sacrificed lives, and even angered the world in support of its freedom and sovereignty. At this time, everyone is entangled in their own problems. In such circumstances, Pakistan must focus on countering attackers coming from within Afghanistan. Keeping the principle of “Pakistan First” in mind, Pakistan should teach the so-called Islamic government of Afghanistan such a lesson that no one would dare to cast an evil eye toward Pakistan in the future.